The Ati-thesis , Marxism

"By that definition, a state capitalist country is one where the government controls the economy and essentially acts like a single huge corporation, extracting the surplus value from the workforce in order to invest it in further production.[3] Friedrich Engels, in Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, argues that state capitalism would be the final stage of capitalism consisting of ownership and management of large-scale production and communication by the bourgeois state.[4]"

Quoted from Wikepedia

Sunday, October 16, 2016

Two Round Abouts in Boothbay Plan ?

This is a comment posted in response in the lobbying video for the Boothbay Round About, which the video reveals to be two round abouts: The first shown above and the second shown below;
Or if I am mistaken and they are the same round about, then the round about is not located where the much discussed four way stop is situated . It is the four way stop and the "traffic from the botanical gardens, which I have never even noticed which is said to be a "nightmare" of a congestion problem" (wishful thinking!)
Not intended as a comment on the quality of the video production, which is well done, but this is a propaganda video because it is presenting only one side of the question and is clearly intended to sell the round about to the public.
One of the quotes is "No matter what the volume on the road- it is constantly moving". That is true for the roundabout. It is not true for the four way intersection which has four stop signs.
The statistics made about crashes applies to an area that "encompasses the common" and states that there were 29 crashes since 2010- one of them fatal. The area that "encompasses the common" then must include the area around the railroad museum which is where a fatal crash and others occurred. However the section of the road by the railroad museum is not included in the tiff district although we are told that this is about dangerous traffic conditions and or traffic congestion and not about Coulombes development which is included in the tiff area. In fact the tiff area ends with the golf course. The area around the railroad museum is outside of the tiff district which begins at the industrial park. . A round about at the commons and a second round about entering Coulombe's development does not affect traffic safety around the railroad museum, where most accidents are occurring.
The fatal crash that I am aware of was caused by a reckless driver traveling on the wrong side of the road. Crashes caused by reckless drivers or by drivers who are suddenly struck by a medical condition will not be stopped by a round about. In fact in terms of drivers who may suddenly have a health condition occur a four way stop sign is actually safer than a round about in which traffic is constantly moving.
The sales point made about greenery in the center of the round about keeping drivers focused on where they are- is an absurd stretch, Drivers need to be focused anywhere and on much more than where they are.

The point about pedestrians crossing a widened road in two parts and that pedestrians have the right of way is fluff. Pedestrians have the right of way no matter what and the existing cross walks are short. I do not see an advantage in pedestrians being able to stop at a point in the middle of a widened road between traffic lanes in an area where the speed limit is thirty miles an hour. If there is an accident a pedestrian could get hit standing in the little area between traffic lanes.

The mock up shown at 7:20 right before the discussion of the articles shows should be a a second round about if the first one replaces the four way stop signs, located on the other side of the town office. It is identifiable as being on the other side of the Town Office by the location of the Town Office parking lot. The perspective is coming from the harbor toward the commons and there is pictured a large landscaped circle in the configuration which will include an exclusive exit for the village of Coloumbe and yet we have sales people for the Round About, including State Representative candidate Wendy Wolf telling us that it is being "objective" to occlude any issues surrounding Coulombe Village from our considerations. What then is the purpose of the second round about? What dangerous traffic problem is the second round about solving? How much does the second round about add to the bill paid by state and town of Boothbay taxpayers?

If you pause the video at 8:04 you can read the text on the screen that says that the bond can be recalled at any time. The question is who is the party with the authority to recall the bond and what kind of power does that grant to that party? The purpose of the bond does not mention the round about.It mentions normal maintenance functions and "other improvements " which can mean anything. Terms are left to be negotiated after town people agree to the bond.
It is not just our local taxes that may go up- state costs are paid by state taxpayers. I was looking at the annual report for the town of MRRA which was chartered by the Legislature as a municipal corporation serving as an instrumentality of the state so that its development can be financed by state and national taxpayers. The state grant is applied to the interest on the debt owed by the municipality of MRRA and it does not even cover all that interest debt. Much of state economic development is based on leveraging and re-leveraging debt.That can eventually all come tumbling down and the state can re-neg on its funding as well.

Friday, October 14, 2016

Public Deception Used to Sell Boothbay Round About

This report comes by way of the Boothbay Committee Opposed to the Boothbay Round About:

Yesterday I met with the Boothbay town manager to obtain a copy of the 2002 “State Route 27 Corridor Study” and to question him about the town’s relationship with Paul Coulombe’s limited liability corporation (PGC5), the entity the selectmen propose the town partner with in the creation of the roundabout project. The selectmen refer to the “Corridor Study” as the Bible on which they base their conviction that we have serious safety and traffic problems and that a roundabout is the answer to them. What I learned in the conversation and by reading the “Corridor Study” astounded me.

 1. Only four of the 2002 corridor study’s 48 pages discuss the Boothbay Common area. They contain not one word about traffic safety. The study makes no claim that an unsafe situation exists. It recommends a roundabout at the Corey Lane intersection in order to relieve traffic congestion. It provides no statistics about traffic congestion. It doesn’t quantify or evaluate the degree of congestion. It doesn’t distinguish between summer event days, all other summer days, and the rest of the year. It provides no analysis to support the recommendation for a roundabout. What astounds me is that this is the report our selectmen reference as the basis for their view that a roundabout is necessary for safety reasons.

 The 2016 study by PGC5/Knickerbocker/Paul Coulombe failed to document a safety or congestion problem. The authors subsequently withdrew their safety claim. The independent evaluator employed by the town threw cold water on both claims, reducing the safety claim to a small number of “fender benders.” The selectmen have apparently dismissed the independent expert’s evaluation as if it didn’t exist. PGC5’s paid experts attempted to do the same at the most recent town meeting. Their rebuttal was totally unconvincing. YES ROUNDABOUTcontinues to claim in its Register advertisements that there is a safety issue.

 Is there a safety problem? The only evidence is anecdotal, and it goes both ways. Anecdotal evidence is not a sound basis for a huge investment of taxpayer money ($1.5+ million) and a major alteration in the town’s infrastructure/appearance. It is impossible not to ask, why, given the above, our selectmen are so determined to push through the developer’s proposal? Why do they disregard the facts? They have no answers to the objections to the proposal other than to repeat falsehoods. My guess is that their arguments in support of the PGC5 proposal are rationalizations: they start by sharing Paul Coulombe’s vision for the town. And they have convinced themselves that it is a “bargain” for the town rather than a Trojan horse.

 2. In response to my question, what guarantee does the Town of Boothbay have, if the revenue stream into the TIF from PGC5 decreases or ends before the town’s 20 year $1.5 + million bond issue is paid off, that the taxpayers will not have to pay the obligation through an increase in real estate taxes? The answer: No guarantee at all exists. There is no contract yet between the town and PGC5. The selectmen are asking the town to approve articles that will allow them to enter into a contract with PGC5 without any of the details of that contract available at this time. Will it contain a provision that requires PGC5 or some other party or entity to cover the costs of the bond issue if the revenue stream into the TIF declines or disappears? Or if PGC5 itself goes out of business? If that happens (if there is a fire, a death, an estate with no interest in Boothbay) the town will have to rely on the ordinary rules governing contracts. Those rules can be porous. It is commonplace for one party to a contact to break it in the expectation that, having considered the possible consequences, it is in its interest to do so.

 There are numbers of reasons for voting no on articles 2, 3, and 4. But there are now two more in place: we have been misled, whether intentionally or not, about the content of the “State Route 27 Corridor Study” and there is not now and not likely to be a provision in the town/PGC5 contract to guarantee that the taxpayer will not in the end be stuck with paying the bond out of general tax revenue from our real estate taxes.

The Statutory Powers of the Municipal Bond Bank

As with other financial corporations in the corporate state network, the Municipal Bond Bank is authorized to accept money from any source.  
§5954. Corporate powersI. Accept gifts or grants of property, funds, money, materials, labor, supplies or services from the United States or the State or any other state or agencies or departments of those entities, or from any governmental unit or any person, and carry out the terms or provisions or make agreements with respect to any such gifts or grants, and do any and all things necessary, useful, desirable or convenient in connection with procuring, accepting or disposing of those gifts or grants; [1987, c. 737, Pt. A, §2 (NEW); 1987, c. 737, Pt. C, §106 (NEW); 1989, c. 6, (AMD); 1989, c. 9, §2 (AMD); 1989, c. 104, Pt. C, §§8, 10 (AMD).]
In the section above, there is no limitation placed on agreements which can be made in exchange for pecuniary gifts. In the next section the Maine Municipal Bond Bank is granted autocratic and almost unlimited power:

§5904. Liberal construction of chapter…This chapter shall be construed liberally to effectuate the legislative intent and the purposes of this chapter as complete and independent authority for the performance of each and every act and thing authorized in this chapter and all powers granted in this chapter shall be broadly interpreted to effectuate that intent and purposes and not as a limitation of powers. [1987, c. 737, Pt. A, §2 (NEW); 1987, c. 737, Pt. C, §106 (NEW); (emphasis added)

Once the public private partnership recieves voter approval, the terms of agreement which can then be negotiated are wide open.

Sunday, October 2, 2016

Public Private Relationships And The New Owners of the Means Of Production now available on Kindle for Amazon

( note- an update is being processed to fix mismatched title pages but if one clicks on the title links it gets you there anyway
Public Private Relationships and the New Owners of the Means of Production tells the story of the transformation of Maine from a state to a development corporation following the history and records of economic development statutes.

In 1876 an amendment was added to the Maine Constitution which prohibits the Legislature from chartering corporations by special acts of legislation.

In 1968 Maine became a constitutional Home Rule State as authority was granted to municipalities to fund economic development projects with municipal bonds approved by a public referendum. Previous to Home Rule, general obligation bonds in which a particular industry received tax revenues was struck down as a violation of The Maine Constitution, Article IX, Section 8 which mandates that all taxes be apportioned and assessed equally. Home Rule grants authority to issue general obligation bonds for economic development purposes only at the municipal level of government.

However, in 1976 Governor Longley called together the heads of Maine industry and the Maine Legislature declared that centrally managing the economy is an essential government function which must be done through public private relationships and the Maine corporate state was born. Public Private Relationships and the New Owners of the Means of Production compares the political ideology and its associated structure of government put into place in Maine, USA, in the late seventies with Mussolini’s fascism as implemented in Italy by overwriting the Italian Constitution with statutory law.

First on the agenda was to set a mission to eliminate public referendums. Next was to charter the Maine Capital Corporation, a private investment company which would be authorized by a special act of legislation to use tax credits to sell stock. Written into a subsection of the charter for the Maine Capital Corporation was a general provision exempting all investment companies investing in Maine small businesses from taxation, thus establishing the tax credit as a refundable tax credit, one by which if no taxes are owed, the public owes the capitalists a refund on his investment.
Refundable tax credits came into use in the USA in 1975 at the onset of a rapidly escalating inflation which remains unabated to this day. In the subsequent years Maine aggressively expanded a corporate state network as the legislature declared that a corporation is not a corporation if it is an instrumentality of the state.

Throughout the decades the Maine media supported the growth of state capitalism and targeted sector economics. If the media asked the public for their opinion, the question was asked of those on the receiving end of redistributed public wealth. Today the Maine public subsidizes the targeted sector, which is definitively the upper crust of the Maine economy. The media seldom asks the opinion of those outside the orbit of the state’s redistributive policies.

Public Private Relationships and the New Owners of the Means of Production gives voice to a view opposing Maine’s centrally managed economy. Mackenzie Andersen compares the rhetoric, structure and means of implementation of Maine’s corporate state to Mussolini’s fascism and contrasts it with the philosophy that founded the United States of America and the Maine Constitution. Through analysis of the language written in the statutes as if in code, and the history of the implementation of the corporate state structure in which the design of the whole is concealed by its parts, Mackenzie Andersen tells a shocking history of public exploitation by those elected to serve as the people’s representatives.

Whether it be called Agenda Twenty-one, global capitalism, or some other name, the concentration of power and wealth in the hands of the few is implemented at the local level. Public Private Relationships and the New Owners of the Means of Production is one case study of how a global power agenda benefitting an overlord society of the few is implemented locally.

Sunday, September 11, 2016

A Chapter by Chapter synopsis of Public Private Relationships and the New Owners of the Means of Production

The author's definition of conservatism told in the context of the political grass roots environment of 2015 influenced by the alt right as Donald Trump was gaining political momentum. A discussion of the Kelo vs New London Supreme Court decision.

In 1951 the Justices of Maine delivered a constitutional interpretation of Article IV Part Third Sections 13 & 14, that did not use the text of the Constitution as their measure but instead cherry picked words from Governor Connors Inaugural Address.

Governor Longley’s Architects of Transformation

In 1979 Governor Longley invited the heads of Maine's most prosperous industries to produce a report and to lead the Legislature in reinventing Maine government. The Legislature declared that centrally managing the economy is "an essential government function" and that it must be done by public private relationships. The  plan  to achieve the desired transformation.

The Maine Development Foundation

A discussion of the legislative justification for chartering the Maine Development Foundation Corporation and the conflation of  "public benefit" and "profit motive" in interpreting "common good" and "general welfare".

The Fame Corporation

The Maine Legislature charters the Finance Authority of Maine corporation  to concentrate and redistribute capital  and centrally manage a wide agenda  from health and environment to manufacturing and education.  Introduction of the premise  that a centrally managed economy organized through public private relationships is  identical in structure to Mussolini's Doctrine of Fascism.

Governor McKernan Doubles Down

Various new financial tools and strategies are put into place. The Department of Economic and Community Development corporation is chartered, A court rewrites the Constitution. The argument continued that targeted sector economics is identical with the ideology of  fascism. Observations about the inflationary effect of targeted sector economics, public benefit vs common good and global capitalism.

To Be or Not to Be Sovereign

The Legislature charters three former military bases as municipal corporations serving as instrumentalists of the state. The Legislature charters a region of municipalities as an economic development corporation making the municipalities responsible for the corporation's debt. The towns of Gardiner and Rome try to get out from under the burden of debt created by the KRDA corporation.

The City States

Washington County is Maine's poorest county. This chapter tells the story of manipulations devised by public private partners to transfer the valuable real estate property at the Washington County Naval Base to a private non-profit corporation  leaving the base, newly chartered as a municipal corporation and instrumentality of the state, empty handed

The Angus King Years: Back Room Dealings

Examination of ambiguous language used by the Maine Legislature to structure private wheeling and dealing into publicly subsidized state corporations and the codification of intellectual property rights streamed through the public private network via the Maine University system.

The Baldacci Era: A New Class Society

Governor Baldacci markets  "the creative economy" lead by "the creative class". A comparison made between the philosophy embodied in creative class rhetoric and the  Mussolini's belief that society should serve quality over quantity. The Pine Tree Zone Tax Credits are passed, State manufacturing is expanded via the Advanced Manufacturing Center at the University of Maine. A short history of the University of Maine from its origins as a land grant college under the United States Morrill Act. A short history of MPERS from its mysterious origins to socializing the risk and privatizing the gain with a MPERS venture capitalist fund.

Governor Lepage, Tea Party Corporatist

A closer look at the Legislative session of 2013 and beyond. The far reaching impact of a bill called "Industry Partnerships" and the financial manipulations used to fund it. A comparison between the inner mechanisms of the Cate Street Scandal and the inner mechanisms of the State  Lepage sabotages a multi-billion dollar investment and then seeks a radical expansion of the Pine Tree Zone tax incentives. Changes are made in the Seed Capital Tax Credit and  appropriations are dispersed disproportionately. Legislation defines Maine's relationship to China and the Confucius Institute is instituted at the University of Maine.

Remembering James Madison

A quote from James Maddison about government works when consistent with the American political philosophy.


Suggestions on how to return to a free enterprise system and governance by the Maine and United States Constitutions.

Thursday, July 7, 2016

Confucius Institute Merges with Maine State Inc and English becomes a Second Language

The film Conspiracy is described like this: 
This is the story of the top-secret Nazi meeting to debate the merits of Hitler's 'Final Solution,' the extermination of the entire Jewish population of Europe. Kenneth Branagh and Stanley Tucci star in this gripping drama. 
The film is based on document of record about a meeting that took place among the power elite of Nazi Germany (excluding Hitler) . The meeting took place in a very wealthy home which once belonged to a Jew.
Although the meeting is billed as a "debate" about policy, it is actually an announcement about policy that is already being implemented on a mass scale. The film is a dramatization of what a corporate state looks like in action and taken to its worse degree. The board sits around the table and every one has their folders and they discuss the merits of "the program" in a very businesslike manner.  
As the drama evolves it becomes clear that it is not just the human population that is being "cleansed" but also the language. Eventually the chief corporate executive officer played by Kenneth Branagh says that the most effective way to sterilize the Jews is by the method of death. There is silence around the room and many of the characters are struck with sickened looks until the silence is jovially broken by a joke from one of the others.  
The choice of language used to describe what is undergoing is important to the incremental acceptance by those who struggle with a conscience. In the beginning of the film there is much hedging about the language but in the end there is no longer any hinting excepting hints about what might happen to those who do not go along with the program. Even those who are clearly disturbed by the program agree to go along with it. 
As I seek a way to find a public for my research work on the transformation of the state of Maine from government by its Constitution to government by corporate boards and bylaws I am encountering a publishing industry which is said to be implementing a system of language regulation billed as "marketable language" and measured by a seventh grade reading level. Journalists are reporting that their clients require their manuscript be put through a program which identifies words deemed to be outside of a seventh grade reading level and replaces them with acceptable words.  
In Maine the legislature granted itself jurisdiction over the entire public educational system . Who ever controls the educational system controls language deemed acceptable at a seventh grade level. The Constitution of Maine is not taught anywhere within the Maine public educational system where in a minor on Marxist and Socialist Studies is entrenched at the University of Southern Maine since 2004. There are no courses on fascism at the University of Maine, why would there be? Fascism is an unacceptable word and so few are educated about what it is. It is identified with the end product of its incremental evolution allowing the structure of fascism to remain unexamined and to be implemented across the globe under a kinder and gentler language,
In 2015, the University of Maine sold a chunk of itself to the Confucius Institute . The Confucius Institute is billed as a language school but it partners with the Dongbei University of Finance and Economics which has a listing of departments sounding like a university of global capitalism. 
The University Of Southern Maine- Confucius Institute Website identifies the goals of the new union between the two institutions: 
The primary goals of the USM CI are: to meet the demand for and to ensure the quality of Chinese learning and teaching in Maine by training teachers in Chinese language and culture and by reaching out to elementary and secondary schools in the Greater Portland region; to raise the quality and scope of Chinese cultural activities, festivals, and events in Maine; to become the major provider for executive training for the business, nonprofit, and public sector communities seeking to build greater awareness and cultural competency in Chinese language, culture, and trade opportunities; to facilitate activities relative to Chinese language and culture among the seven universities in the University of Maine System; and to facilitate and advance collaborative research between Chinese and Maine universities.
The speakers for the University of Maine maintain that the Chinese will have no say over curricula at the University of Maine. It must be a co-incidence that in a 2015, the same year the University made a deal with the Confucius Institute, a Maine statute called " Industry Partnerships ", describes English as a second language :
H. Help companies identify and collaborate to address common organizational and human resource challenges, including, but not limited to….. hiring foreign-trained professionals [ 2013,c. 368,Pt. FFFFF,§1(NEW).] 
5.Agency cooperation. 
D. The Department of Education shall: 
(2) Support innovative programs to address literacy,   including English as a second language  , numeracy shortcomings and soft skills training, especially in those occupations critical to targeted industry clusters;  ( emphasis mine   )
The directive to include English as a second language is repeated under:  
G. The Maine Community College System 
H. The University of Maine System g
A system arguably modeled on Mussolini's Doctrine of Fascism is being aggressively implement in Maine and marketed as "public private relationships" Will the seventh grade measure of acceptable language implemented under the guise of marketability require that all instances of "fascism" be replaced with "public private relationships" which in itself is a more marketable way of saying government by and for special interests ?  
Can the seventh grade measure used as a limiter of published vocabulary be used for something far more diabolical than "marketing" ? Does the term "fascism" pass the low bar test? Will politicization of language be integrated into the measure of marketable language ? By definition "public private" means the merging of business interests and the state. On that basis it is entirely probable that the seventh grade low bar will be used to control public vocabulary for political purposes.  
The movie, Conspiracy portrays a historically documented conspiracy. As the meeting commences sterilization of the Jewish people has become socially acceptable but "sterilization" is code for "extermination' as is revealed towards the end of the film when the CEO of the meeting declares that the most effective method of sterilization is death. 
I changed my cover for Beacon, agreeing that it is not the best way to market my book. My cover no longer displays the visual symbol of fascism and uses the word, fascism, instead. I am told people do nor respond as much to the word as they do to the image. Now I am being told by a different set of authoritarians to dump this cover as well. It is not marketable. The title of my book is also not marketable. Marketable to whom? The title says what my book is about. The cover is a diagram of what the book is about. The word "fascism is barely visible in the darkness and is only noticeable when one looks closely. There is a division sign on top of the ever expanding grids upon which is the phrase "medium income"- a term which is gradually replacing "middle class' in language of popular use. Hidden even more deeply inside the ever expanding grids are the words "Agenda Twenty One", a term sounding like it was invented to be as marketable as was "the final solution". We know all too well what "the final solution" meant, but the public did not know then. The characters in the movie ask probing questions seeking straight answers about what intent lies behind the terms used to speak about "the program" of genocide, The environment is so civilized and the language is so copacetic. 
Down load the original manuscript with full color uncensored images for just five dollars  !  

Saturday, June 25, 2016

Walking Through The Looking Glass

When I started doing the research for my book, Public Private Relationships and the New Owners of the Means of Production, one of my first resources was the Maine Constitution by Marshall J Tinkle, recommended by the Maine Legislative Library. The first chapter of Mr Tinkle’s book tells of  a commonly held belief that no one reads the Maine Constitution, a statement which is evidently true even among the Maine Legislature. I once said to someone running for legislative office that the Maine Constitution prohibits the Legislature from chartering corporations by special acts of legislation. He asked me where that is said in the Maine Constitution. It is said in the section on Legislative Powers, a section which it is reasonable to expect one running for the Maine Legislature to know.

That commonly held belief is not entirely true. I have read the Maine Constitution and there are others in Maine who have also done so. Bangor Daily News journalist Mike Tipping ran a successful crowd sourcing project for his book by casting a small group of elderly Maine gentlemen who had formed an organization to further awareness of the Maine Constitution as domestic terrorists. Subsequently the Bangor Daily News published a more balanced story about the group but it is reasonable to hypothesis that second story would never have been published if it were not for the first.

If it is true that (almost) no one reads the Maine Constitution, it is just as true that no one reads the Maine statutes, sufficing with information about current bills reported by the Maine media.

If one is to read the Maine statutes, as I have done, independently and with no greater status than that of a Maine citizen, it is shocking what one finds going on behind totally transparent doors protected from public knowledge by what appears to be a curtain of a dark and occult force. How absurd, the reader might say but what else would explain it? It is as if there exists a building with a large glass display window on a public street but every single person walking by turns their head away from it and no one ever looks at what is behind the clear glass window. The people behind the glass window are as accustomed to the crowds that walk by their window always turning their heads away as they are to the sun rising in the east and setting in the west.

Then one day, one person walks by and looks in the window. That person says to the others passing by ”Look ! Turn your head! Look at what is going on behind that clear glass window !” but the passersby hear nothing and keep their heads turned away. No one will listen to a lone person breaking the rules of convention by turning her eyes toward the glass window and peering at what is inside. Who is that person to break the rules of convention? Who gave that person permission?

 And so that person writes a book describing what is going on behind the glass window and offers it free of charge to anyone to download and read but there are no takers. Who is this one lone individual who has broken the law of human nature by turning her head in the direction of the window to think she can alter an entrenched cultural tradition long since instituted.? Does she fancy herself a butterfly flapping its wings and altering the ever predictable order of things?

"Who are you ?" lone individual asks the crowd with their heads all turned in uniformity away from the clear glass window. That is who I am, says the individual. I am an individual wondering what happened to a state which was once known for its rugged individualism and a nation that stands alone against a sea of collectivist political philosophies seeking to engulf all of humanity into its ever expanding grid.

Break out of the grid of uniformity!, answers back the lone individual. Take a chance and download my book telling what I saw when I walked through the looking glass to see what is going on on the other side. Download Public Private Relationships and the New Owners of the Means of Production FOR FREE before I start charging 99 cents or even more!